One year in, Big Tech has out-maneuvered MAGA populists | The VergeSkip to main contentThe homepageThe VergeThe Verge logo.The VergeThe Verge logo.TechReviewsScienceEntertainmentAICESHamburger Navigation ButtonThe homepageThe VergeThe Verge logo.Hamburger Navigation ButtonNavigation DrawerThe VergeThe Verge logo.Login / Sign UpcloseCloseSearchTechExpandAmazonAppleFacebookGoogleMicrosoftSamsungBusinessSee all techGadgetsExpandLaptopsPhonesTVsHeadphonesSpeakersWearablesSee all gadgetsReviewsExpandSmart Home ReviewsPhone ReviewsTablet ReviewsHeadphone ReviewsSee all reviewsAIExpandOpenAIAnthropicSee all AIVerge ShoppingExpandBuying GuidesDealsGift GuidesSee all shoppingPolicyExpandAntitrustPoliticsLawSecuritySee all policyScienceExpandSpaceEnergyEnvironmentHealthSee all scienceEntertainmentExpandTV ShowsMoviesAudioSee all entertainmentGamingExpandXboxPlayStationNintendoSee all gamingStreamingExpandDisneyHBONetflixYouTubeCreatorsSee all streamingTransportationExpandElectric CarsAutonomous CarsRide-sharingScootersSee all transportationFeaturesVerge VideoExpandTikTokYouTubeInstagramPodcastsExpandDecoderThe VergecastVersion HistoryNewslettersExpandThe Verge DailyInstallerVerge DealsNotepadOptimizerRegulatorThe StepbackArchivesStoreSubscribeFacebookThreadsInstagramYoutubeRSSThe VergeThe Verge logo.One year in, Big Tech has out-maneuvered MAGA populistsComments DrawerCommentsLoading commentsGetting the conversation ready...ColumnCloseColumnPosts from this topic will be added to your daily email digest and your homepage feed.FollowFollowSee All ColumnPolicyClosePolicyPosts from this topic will be added to your daily email digest and your homepage feed.FollowFollowSee All PolicyPoliticsClosePoliticsPosts from this topic will be added to your daily email digest and your homepage feed.FollowFollowSee All PoliticsOne year in, Big Tech has out-maneuvered MAGA populistsThe tech CEOs were supposed to be Trump’s “supplicants”. Now, they’ve broken the populists’ chokehold on him.The tech CEOs were supposed to be Trump’s “supplicants”. Now, they’ve broken the populists’ chokehold on him.by Tina NguyenCloseTina NguyenSenior Reporter, WashingtonPosts from this author will be added to your daily email digest and your homepage feed.FollowFollowSee All by Tina NguyenJan 21, 2026, 3:33 AM UTCLinkShareGiftMark Zuckerberg, Lauren Sanchez, Jeff Bezos and Sundar Pichai attend the inauguration of U.S. President-elect Donald Trump in the U.S. Capitol Rotunda on January 20, 2025 in Washington, DC. Kenny Holston-Pool/Getty Images.Tina NguyenCloseTina NguyenPosts from this author will be added to your daily email digest and your homepage feed.FollowFollowSee All by Tina Nguyen is a Senior Reporter for The Verge and author of Regulator, covering the second Trump administration, political influencers, tech lobbying and Big Tech vs. Big Government.Welcome to Regulator, a newsletter for Verge subscribers about the technology and the tech bros upending American politics and the Trump administration. If you’re not a subscriber yet, and you’re interested in Silicon Valley’s adventures in sausage-making, you should do so here! It’s Q1! Surely the corporate budget will allow for it. Precisely one year ago, Steve Bannon, the powerful, populist MAGA podcaster, was thrilled at the sight of the Big Tech CEOs swarming around Donald Trump. In the days before his inauguration, the major players were visiting Mar-a-Lago, signing checks, even showing up to sit quietly behind him during his second inauguration. For years, Bannon told ABC’s Jonathan Karl in an interview, Big Tech had undermined Trump: Jeff Bezos’ Washington Post had reported on him critically, for instance, while Meta and Alphabet’s subsidiaries had purportedly silenced his online presence. Now, Bannon said, they were “supplicants” to Trump, who’d hired MAGA regulators ready to tear apart those companies at any given moment. “Most people in our movement look at this as President Trump broke the oligarchs,” he bragged.One year later, it looks like the oligarchs have broken MAGA’s hold on Trump, one ballroom donation at a time.The push to break up Big Tech, which seemed to be one of MAGA’s biggest goals at the beginning of the term? Kind of not really happening anymore. The push to get an American company to purchase TikTok, the app that MAGA had once considered cultural poison? Supposedly happening, but not without Trump embracing the platform in defiance of MAGA values. The push to prevent AI companies from stomping over states’ rights, conservative values, and AI-driven job loss? Overrun by the relentless lobbying by billionaire David Sacks, who convinced Trump to sign an executive order that would crush states trying to write or enforce their own AI laws, despite severe backlash from conservatives.Even smaller pivots from firm MAGA positions in favor of the tech industry, and the response from said base, are telling. Last November, Trump sparked outrage from the right by defending the existence of H1-B visas for high-skilled foreign tech workers, going so far as to say that US workers lacked “certain talents” that prevented Big Tech from hiring domestically. Although Trump ended up radically overhauling the immigration lottery system in a more nativist favor, the continued existence of the H1-B visa program itself sparked a massive rift within the MAGAsphere: how could Trump let in any foreign workers, much less imply that they were better than American workers? What sort of “America First” was that?For decades, even as a businessman, Trump’s had one consistent organizational principle: people and factions must constantly fight each other for his attention and favor. It happened all the time during Trump’s first term, when New York financiers, the Republican establishment, the career officials, Trump’s children, and the proto-MAGA wing were all fighting each other inside the West Wing. But by the time Trump returned to the campaign trail in 2024, the New Yorkers were exhausted and went home, the Republican establishment had caved to Trump, and the career officials were all about to be purged. MAGA populism had won, and they believed, to paraphrase Trump, that they would win so much that they would become tired of winning. It’s not like the populists haven’t claimed territory in Trump’s second administration. The Department of Justice is conducting lawfare against Trump’s critics, the Department of Homeland Security has given ICE a broadly terrifying mandate, and the Department of Defense (sorry, War) kidnapped a foreign head of state for the LOLs.But honestly, I would not have expected a year ago, as I watched the tech CEOs applaud Trump in the Rotunda, that these “supplicants” would eventually sway Trump to their ways. I’m not sure how the next year looks for internal drama coming out of the White House. I will say, however, that it is very, very telling that Bannon, who once bragged that there was a plan in place for Trump to run for an unconstitutional third term, is reportedly eyeing a presidential run himself.This week at The Verge:“How much can a city take?” Scott Menslow: As Homeland Security’s siege on Minneapolis enters its third week, locals are volunteering for patrol shifts, protesting in the streets, and keeping one another up to date in group texts.“Under Musk, the Grok disaster was inevitable,” Hayden Field: The problems were baked in.“Trump admin admits DOGE employees had access to off-limits Social Security data”, Lauren Feiner: A court filing reveals DOGE employees had more access to Social Security data than previously disclosed.“Why Coinbase derailed the crypto industry’s political future”, Tina Nguyen: The powerful exchange yanked its support of the Senate CLARITY Act at the last minute — and the rest of the crypto world, from Kraken to a16z, is infuriated.“Amazon’s CEO says tariffs are starting to ‘creep into’ pricing”, Emma Roth: Andy Jassy says the supply of products Amazon prebought in early 2025 has ‘run out.’“Minnesota wants to win a war of attrition”, Sarah Jeong: The governor’s call to film ICE is part of an attempt to protect states’ rights — but not like that.“Trump and Mid-Atlantic governors want tech companies to pay for new power plants”, Justine Calma: They’re calling for an ‘emergency’ power auction.“Canada is going to start importing Chinese EVs — will the US follow?”, Andrew J. Hawkins: President Trump recently signaled he was fine with Chinese automakers setting up shop in the US. But there are still a lot of hurdles to clear.“‘Get Grok Gone’: Advocacy groups demand Apple and Google block X from app stores”, Robert Hart: Apple and Google are profiting from the nonconsensual sexual deepfakes flooding X, an open letter claims.“600,000 Trump Mobile phones sold? There’s no proof”, Dominic Preston: Alleged sales figures went viral this week, but there’s no good reason to believe them.And now, Recess.Well, in the sense of the Senate being on a one-week recess, during which I will be following the drama of Coinbase derailing the CLARITY Act over interest rates, before the Senate Banking Committee reconvenes. To my great regret, I am not at Davos, where CEO Brian Armstrong is and where most of the negotiations seem to be happening. So if you are in some private Swiss meeting with other tech overlords and have some insight into whether there will be an actual market structure bill passed in the upcoming year, please email me at tina@theverge.com, or over Signal at tina_nguyen.19.In the meantime, please do not get duped like the billionaires in this Bloomberg report:Image via @business/X.See you next week.Follow topics and authors from this story to see more like this in your personalized homepage feed and to receive email updates.Tina NguyenCloseTina NguyenSenior Reporter, WashingtonPosts from this author will be added to your daily email digest and your homepage feed.FollowFollowSee All by Tina NguyenColumnCloseColumnPosts from this topic will be added to your daily email digest and your homepage feed.FollowFollowSee All ColumnPolicyClosePolicyPosts from this topic will be added to your daily email digest and your homepage feed.FollowFollowSee All PolicyPoliticsClosePoliticsPosts from this topic will be added to your daily email digest and your homepage feed.FollowFollowSee All PoliticsMost PopularMost PopularSony’s TV business is being taken over by TCLHow much can a city take?Netflix revises Warner Bros. bid to an all-cash offerRoland’s Go:Mixer Studio turns your phone into a mobile music studioHow BYD beat TeslaThe Verge DailyA free daily digest of the news that matters most.Email (required)Sign UpBy submitting your email, you agree to our Terms and Privacy Notice. This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply.Advertiser Content FromThis is the title for the native adMore in ColumnYou need to listen to the cosmic horror-comedy podcast Welcome to Night ValeUnder Musk, the Grok disaster was inevitableThis 3D-scanned insole is another example of placebo tech‘Sideshow’ concerns and billionaire dreams: What I learned from Elon Musk’s lawsuit against OpenAICasting is dead. Long live casting!Inside the White House shitposting machineYou need to listen to the cosmic horror-comedy podcast Welcome to Night ValeTerrence O'BrienJan 18Under Musk, the Grok disaster was inevitableHayden FieldJan 18This 3D-scanned insole is another example of placebo techVictoria SongJan 16‘Sideshow’ concerns and billionaire dreams: What I learned from Elon Musk’s lawsuit against OpenAIAlex HeathJan 16Casting is dead. Long live casting!Janko RoettgersJan 16Inside the White House shitposting machineTina NguyenJan 13Advertiser Content FromThis is the title for the native adTop StoriesJan 19It’s worse than it looks in MinneapolisJan 20Sony’s TV business is being taken over by TCLJan 20How BYD beat TeslaJan 20Netflix revises Warner Bros. bid to an all-cash offerJan 19Animal Crossing: New Horizons added just enough to suck me back inJan 18Under Musk, the Grok disaster was inevitableThe VergeThe Verge logo.FacebookThreadsInstagramYoutubeRSSContactTip UsCommunity GuidelinesArchivesAboutEthics StatementHow We Rate and Review ProductsCookie SettingsTerms of UsePrivacy NoticeCookie PolicyLicensing FAQAccessibilityPlatform Status© 2026 Vox Media, LLC. All Rights Reserved

One year in, Big Tech has out-maneuvered MAGA populists | The Verge

The initial narrative surrounding Donald Trump’s first year in office was one of significant antagonism from Big Tech corporations. Initially, tech CEOs were perceived as supplicants, actively seeking Trump’s approval and attempting to navigate his administration’s regulatory scrutiny. However, as the year progressed, a discernible shift occurred, culminating in a situation where Big Tech effectively resisted and shaped Trump’s agenda, rather than the other way around. Tina Nguyen, Senior Reporter for The Verge, meticulously chronicles this dynamic, arguing that the tech giants, through strategic lobbying and influence, successfully neutralized the populist fervor aimed at them.

Nguyen’s analysis centers on a reversal of power, driven by a series of key events. Initially, companies like Amazon, Apple, Facebook, Google, and Microsoft faced intense pressure from MAGA factions, who viewed them as obstacles to Trump’s agenda—ranging from antitrust concerns and immigration policies to AI regulation. However, rather than succumbing to demands for divestiture or regulatory oversight, these tech firms, guided largely by figures like David Sacks, began to actively push back. This involved aggressively lobbying Congress, shaping executive orders, and, most notably, securing exemptions from state-level AI legislation, despite considerable disapproval from conservative circles.

A pivotal aspect of this shift, according to Nguyen, is the way Trump’s administration utilized, and ultimately failed to capitalize on, the pre-existing tensions within the MAGA base. Trump’s consistent pattern of exploiting divisions amongst his supporters – favoring New York financiers over the Republican establishment, and pitting career officials against the proto-MAGA wing – created a chaotic environment where Big Tech could maneuver strategically. The push to break up Big Tech, a central goal of the populist movement, didn’t materialize, partly because of the tech companies’ influence. Similarly, the demands for bans on TikTok were met with a steadfast resistance. Instead, the tech companies, notably through Sacks’ efforts, framed state-level AI regulations as a threat to innovation and economic competitiveness, successfully persuading Trump to issue an executive order meant to crush them. This effectively circumvented the initial goal of using regulatory pressure to force a reckoning with the tech giants.

Furthermore, Nguyen highlights the increasingly central role of figures like David Sacks, whose sophisticated lobbying efforts proved instrumental in shaping the administration’s approach. His attempts to convince Trump of the dangers posed by state-level AI laws, ultimately proving successful. The ongoing battle over H1-B visas, and the continued existence of the program despite Trump’s nativist leanings, is presented as a key indicator of this power shift. The narrative culminates with an assessment of Bannon’s subsequent ambitions, suggesting that his earlier boasts about a plan for a third Trump term are now being realized through his own presidential aspirations, further demonstrating the disruptive influence of Big Tech on the political landscape. Nguyen concludes her piece by referencing the recent turmoil surrounding Coinbase's actions regarding the Senate CLARITY Act, demonstrating the continuing battles for influence surrounding tech regulation.